|Detail of poster for artistic exchange & the FAT's 13th convention|
|Artist Beatriz Aurora|
Mexican Labor News & Analysis
April , 2014, Vol. 19, No. 4
Contents for this issue:
- Government Sets Date for Showdown with Self-Defense Groups
- Thousands Demonstrate Against Telecommunications Reform
- Mexican Economy Falters
- Los Mineros Victory at Teksid
- A President under Fire: Peña Nieto Faces His Critics
- Oscar Winning Director Poses Questions to President Peña Nieto
- Mexico Found Guilty of Blacklisting Mexican Migrant Workers in Canada Suspected of Being Pro-union
- López Obrador Announces Plans to Run for President in 2018
- Remembering the Dead and Fighting for the Living
- Mexican Congress Must End Military Impunity: Amnesty International
- LABOR SHORTS
Government Sets Date for Showdown with Self-Defense Groups
By Dan La Botz
Four months ago, Mexico’s self-defense forces—made up of community members from various towns and cities who have armed themselves and have been involved in fighting against the drug cartels in several states—signed an agreement saying that they would incorporate their organizations into the government’s Rural Defense Force. Four months later, they have yet to do so. Now the government has set what it calls a definitive deadline for May 10—though it is not clear now whether that date will lead to a stand-down or a show-down. Dr. José Manuel Mireles, a physician from the town of Tepalcatepec, Michoacán and spokesperson for the group, says that the self-defense forces “will not disarm until the government first fulfills its promise to restore law and order.”
Mexico has a long history of vigilantism, extralegal action often called linchamiento, meaning not necessarily lynching, that is hanging, but popular and often summary judgment of alleged or supposed evildoers, with instant penalties ranging from beatings to death, sometimes horrible, violent death, such as being burned alive. There is also a tradition in the countryside of peasant self-organization to fight for social justice, most typically taking the form of popular protests—marches, plantones (sit-ins), strikes and demonstrations, but also sometimes leading to the formation of armed guerrilla groups. Not for the first time, those two historic practices have merged recently into one, leading to the creation of the self-defense forces.
More than a year and a half ago, local communities in Michoacán and other states began to organize self-defense forces to protect their communities against drug cartels, particularly in Michoacán against the murderous Caballeros Templarios or Knights Templar. The self-defense forces, as they’ve come to be called, seemed to fall somewhere between vigilantes and guerrilla warriors, since on the one hand they took up arms to meet out justice to the criminals who had invaded their communities and on the other hand they represented something like a popular movement in arms.
The Origin of the Self-defense Forces
The self-defense forces originally formed because the Mexican federal government and state governments failed to stop the drug cartels which wreaked havoc throughout Mexico. Former President Felipe Calderón’s war on the drug dealers took 60,000 lives, but failed to decisively win the conflict. Many Mexicans attributed the drug cartel’s power to government corruption and the complicity of the authorities. So in early 2013, in communities in several states, people took up arms.
Today more than thirty self-defense groups exist in ten of Mexico’s 32 states most of them in rural areas. They claim to have tens of thousands of members some of whom ride in pick-up trucks armed with AK-47s, while others carry shot-guns, .22 caliber rifles, and shotguns or simply their machetes. The Michoacán self-defense groups became powerful enough to drive the Knights Templar from the town of Apatzingán ending the drug cartel’s reign of terror.
The sudden rise of the self-defense forces, many of them apparently having no trouble in acquiring expensive, high-powered weapons, led to questions. Were the self-defense forces genuinely community organizations? Or were they perhaps organizations created, financed, and armed by other drug cartels? Or was there perhaps some arm of the Mexican government—most likely the Minister of the Interior—actually involved in some way? Given Mexico’s byzantine political networks and the omnipresence of corruption, any of these versions seemed possible.
The Agreement That Led to Disagreement
Various groups in society and in government became preoccupied about having to worry about yet another armed force in addition to the drug dealers operating in Mexican society. The government seemed to have two choices. Either it could carry out a military operation to disarm the vigilantes or the government, taking a page from an earlier era in Mexican history, could incorporate them into its own military or police forces.
In January of this year, President Enrique Peña Nieto announced that he was officially recognizing the self-defense forces. Government officials signed an agreement with the self-defense forces that would lead to their integration into the existing government Rural Defense Force. The self-defense forces would submit a list of their members and the members would have to prove that they were members of ejidos, rural communities, with title to their land, and would have to register their weapons.
In late April, Alfredo Castillo Cervantes, the head of federal security for the State of Michoacán announced that he would carry out the process of registering, disarming, and demobilizing the self-defense forces in the towns of Coalcomán, Parácuaro, and San Juan Nuevo, Michoacán. But the self-defense forces’ local leaders said that they had never signed an agreement to disarm, but only to register and be incorporated in the Rural Defense Forces. Dr. Mireles, spokesman for the Michoacán groups announced, “The government has given us until May 10 to turn over our guns. We are going to propose to the government that they free from their jails the imprisoned self-defense members so that they can protect their families.”
“There will be no disarmaments,” said Dr. Mireles, “until the government reestablishes the rule of law and cleans the criminals out of Michoacán. If they have accomplished those objectives by May 10, we will disarm, but not before.” No one believes that the federal and state governments which have proven so ineffective in dealing with the drug cartels so far, could possibly restore law and order to Michoacán in just a couple of weeks. According to newspaper reports, so far no member of the self-defense forces has been incorporated into the Rural Defense Forces.
Thousands Demonstrate Against Telecommunications Reform
Led by Cuauhtémoc Cárdenas, the historic leader of the Party of the Democratic Revolution (PRD) and Javier Corral Jurado of the National Action Party (PAN), thousands demonstrated at the Televisa-Chapultepec offices and then at the Senate in opposition to the telecommunications reform proposed by President Enrique Peña Nieto. Some of the participants attempted to form a human chain of hundreds from the television company to Los Pinos, the presidential palace, but were prohibited by the police from coming near the presidential residence.
Protestors objected to what they saw as the government’s attempt to strengthen the Televisa-Televisión Azteca duopoly that controls Mexican TV broadcasting and to restrict the free use of the internet. Some carried signed reading, “No Power to the Powerful,” “No to the Televisa Law,” “Freedom of Expression.”
Among those participating were telephone workers, youth activists from #IAm132, members of the Movement for Peace with Justice and Dignity led by Javier Sicilia, and other social movement activists.
The proposed reform as originally drafted would have given the government power to block internet and telecom signals, but after an outcry from both the left and the right, the president and his Institutional Revolutionary Party (PRI) appeared to back away. Andrés Manuel López Obrador, the leader of the Movement of National Regeneration (MORENA), had suggested that Peña Nieto was acting like “a little dictator” who was planning on censuring the internet.
Mexican Economy Falters
Only a few months ago, the Mexican economy was portrayed in the international press as poised for take-off as the next emerging global powerhouse. Stories appeared of a vibrant middle class primed to join the free-spending club of consumers.
But as the spring of 2014 progresses, Mexico’s economy is stumbling. Dampening projections of high growth, economic indicators show sluggish or declining consumer spending and increased unemployment.
For example, the latest numbers from the National Institute of Statistics, Geography and Informatics (INEGI) reported that February’s wholesale and retail sales dropped 1.16 percent and 1.27 percent, respectively, in comparison with January’s figures.
Consumer electronics, clothing, shoes and department store items were among the commodities taking significant hits in the second month of the year. The job market also chalked up disappointing results. March’s official tally of the unemployed came in at 4.8 percent of the economically active population, up from 4.51 percent in March 2013.
In April the number of informal sector workers, who typically don’t pay taxes or enroll for social security benefits, rose from 58.03 percent of the economically active share of the population to 58.42 percent.
Economic analysts and business leaders variously blamed the state of the economy on new taxes, a slow-down in manufacturing exports to the United States, bouts of bad weather, and increases in food prices.
“There is a very strong impact on the level of services and consumption, as well as employment,” said Juan Manuel Hernández Niebla, president of the Tijuana Business Coordinating Council. “Once again, we have to be clear that the tax reform is not working.” Hernández later added that the local service and retail sectors were reporting 15-20 percent drops in earnings.
Jose Luis Contreras, vice-president of the National College of Economists of Mexico, speculated that a new economic crisis could even be on the horizon if current economic policies continue.
According to Contreras, Mexican capital is fleeing the country for “tax havens” like Canada and Panama, while previous policies favoring the financial sector at the expense of the productive sector have carved structural imbalances into the economy.
“We have three trimesters of growth very close to zero,” Contreras said. “This is not growth, and it is fomenting a series of problems like unemployment, which is increasing along with a public policy that has not produced what was expected.”
In April, the International Monetary Fund lowered expectations for Mexico’s 2014 growth rate to the 3 percent range. Up notably from the 1.1 percent growth registered in 2013, the rate nevertheless falls short of the 3.9 percent growth experienced during 2012. The central Bank of Mexico had predicted that growth will land between 3 and 4 percent in 2014, but could revise its estimate in a report due out next month.
Warning of troubling economic signs, analysts for Banamex, the Mexican affiliate of Citigroup, tempered their outlook with the possibility of improvements after the second half of 2014, when increased exports and greater public spending could boost the economy.
Cars and limes are two bright spots. Now considered the eighth producer of light vehicles in the world, Mexican production in the sector is projected to jump 27 percent from 2014 to 2017, bolstered by $12 billion in investments during the past four years. Accounting for 3.5 percent of Mexico’s Gross Domestic Product, the automotive sector employs nearly 15 percent of the country’s industrial workers.
The rate of inflation was slowing in the first two weeks of April, with price increases down 0.19 percent from the previous two weeks. An astronomical spike in the price of staple limes, which soared by as much as 1,000 percent in some regions of the country, was credited for pumping up inflation in the food sector earlier this year.
Providing welcome relief to consumers, limes in the border city of Ciudad Juárez, which fetched up to 60 pesos per kilo at supermarkets about one month ago, were reported selling for 16 pesos a kilo at markets during the third week of April. April also saw price decreases for onions, watermelons, bananas, potatoes and Serrano chiles, though the cost of tomatoes went up.
The lime crisis struck north of the border, where an estimated 97 percent of the tangy fruit sold comes from Mexico. Prices for the so-called “green gold” quadrupled or more, even leading one U.S. media outlet to note that lime prices exceeded the cost of black gold as sold per barrel.
In New Mexico, some establishments discontinued serving limes or only served them at customer request. Prices in the Land of Enchantment also began to ease in recent days, with one Albuquerque supermarket that previously sold limes for $4.49 per pound slashing the price to .99 per pound.
Marketwatch.com, April 25, 2014. La Jornada, April 24, 2014. Article by Juan Antonio Zúniga. El Sol de Tijuana, April 23, 24 and 25, 2014. Articles by Juan Guizar and Feliciano Castro Loya. Proceso/Apro, April 23, 2014. Article by Carlos Acosta Córdova. Norte/El Universal, April 22, 2014. El Diario de Juárez, March 29 and April 24, 2014. Articles by Cinthya Ávila and El Universal. Juárez-El Paso Now, April 2014. El Pais, April 8, 2014. Article by Sandro Pozzi. El Economista/Reuters, March 29, 2014.
Los Mineros Victory at Teksid
Settlement was reached at 6:30pm on 22 April ending a strike and replacing the CTM with Los Mineros as the official bargaining partner at Teksid Iron in Monclova, Coahuila.
The settlement ended the work stoppage that was started last Friday and signifies the second significant organizing victory for Los Mineros within a month, after winning a legal battle for union recognition at Excellon’s mine at “La Sierrita”, Durango two weeks ago.
An assembly of Teksid workers applauded the announcement from their spokeswoman, Imelda Jimenez, and counsel of the Los Mineros National Executive Committee, Oscar Alzaga Sánchez, as they read out the signed and legally recognized agreement with the employer.
The yellow CTM union had held the collective bargaining agreement since the Teksid operations began in 1996.
The agreement commits the company to reinstate the three dismissed workers Marisol Ruiz Moreno, Orlando Montoya and Oscar Rodríguez Ponce.
The agreement also meets the workers’ profit-sharing demand and these payments will be made to workers by the end of this week.
The agreement also commits the employer to respect the right of its employees to join the union of their choice; to not take any reprisals against workers involved in the strike; to drop the lawsuit it filed in response to the work stoppage; to respect and engage in collective bargaining.
As reported by IndustriALL earlier on 22 April, 11 Los Mineros-supporting workers were savagely and cowardly assaulted by 80-100 hired thugs, while coming out of a meeting with management and labour authorities on 21 April. This victory was hard-fought.
IndustriALL Global Union salutes these two great organizing victories of its Mexican affiliate Los Mineros.
A President under Fire: Peña Nieto Faces His Critics
While President Enrique Peña Nieto and his party have had a remarkable string of successes in passing economic reform legislation intended to improve the situation of the country’s corporations and of foreign owned investors, he has also come under criticism from a wide variety of critics and opponents who disagree with his policies. The National Action Party (PAN), the Party of the Democratic Revolution (PRD), employers’ associations, and the National Union of Workers (UNT), an independent labor federation have all criticized President Peña Nieto’s plans for unemployment insurance—a new development in Mexico—that would be funded in part through the National Fund for Worker Housing (INFONAVIT).
Unions and workers have also criticized the recently passed Labor Law Reform arguing that its outsourcing provisions allow employers to wash their hands of any responsibility for subcontracted employees. Labor lawyer Arturo Alcalde and others argue that the law as written has loopholes that allow employers to hire subcontracted workers under terms inferior to those of regular employees.
April polls found the administration losing favor with the public. A private polling company (GEA-ISA) found that Peña Nieto’s popularity had fallen from 52 percent to 19 percent since his election. Another recent poll carried out by the Federal Electoral Institute and published as Informe país (Informing the Country) revealed that the Mexican people’s confidence in the federal government had fallen from 59 percent in 2010 to 36 percent. At the same time 62 percent of Mexicans had confidence in the Army, 56 percent in teachers, and 55 percent in the Catholic Church.
Oscar Winning Director Poses Questions to President Peña Nieto
1. When will the prices of natural gas, gasoline, fuel oil, and electric energy go down? What other tangible benefits are expected from the Reform? What is the time frame for these benefits?
2. What specific effects will massive exploitation practices have on the environment? What measures are being taken to protect it and who will assume responsibility for spills or other disasters?
3. Hydrocarbons are non-renewable resources and their impact on the environment is enormous. Are there plans to develop alternative energy technologies and infrastructures in our country?
4. The approved reform will lead to multi-million dollar contracts. In a country such as ours, with such a weak (and often nonexistent) rule of law, how can phenomena such as large scale corruption be avoided?
5. The world’s transnational oil companies have as much power as many governments. What measures will be taken to prevent the democratic process in our country from being tangled up in illicit financing and other pressures of these powerful interests?
6. What regulatory tools is the Mexican government counting on to prevent the private enterprises in this sector from engaging in practices of plunder?
7. How can one ensure that the reform leads to the increased productivity of PEMEX [the Mexican Petroleum Company] if one does not confront the corruption that exists within the union?
8. If PEMEX provided more than half of the entire federal budget for more than 70 years (which constructed the national infrastructure, sustained education and free health service), now that PEMEX’s earning will not go directly into the treasury, how will the budget be covered?
9. How can one be sure that the profits are not channeled to the expansion of the bureaucracy but rather go to the original owner of these resources, which is the Mexican public?
10. Two disastrous experiences remain in the memories of many Mexicans: the [government] bankruptcy of 1982 (due to the waste, ineptitude, and the corruption that characterized the management of the oil wealth in the 1970s) and the discretional and opaque reforms of the Salinas de Gortari years, which were good for private parties but of dubious value to consumers.
What guarantees that those experiences which have plumbed the social depths will not be repeated? You and your party have taken the historic responsibility for these reforms. Do you really believe that the Mexican state has the tools to carry them out efficiently and with a sense of social responsibility and transparency?
I thank you for your attention to this letter.
I, together with many Mexicans, await your response.
The original advertisement was paid for by Alfonso Cuarón.
Mexico Found Guilty of Blacklisting Mexican Migrant Workers in Canada Suspected of Being Pro-union
This article is re-printed from a UFCW Canada Human Rights Department Release
March 21, 2014
The BC Labour Relations Board (BCLRB) has ruled that Mexican government and consular officials blacklisted Mexican seasonal migrant workers from returning to Canada who were suspected of being union sympathizers. The board also found that Mexico had altered documents in an attempt to cover up its union-busting activities. The evidence had been presented to the BC Labour Relations Board in 2012, by UFCW Canada Local 1518 – the union representing migrant workers at Sidhu & Sons Nursery Limited in the BC Lower Mainland.
Thursday's ruling by the BCLRB comes after three years of legal wrangling by Mexico to stall and quash the charges against it. "It has been a long battle, but finally the truth has won out," said Ivan Limpright, the president of UFCW Canada Local 1518, following Monday's ruling. "Every worker in Canada has the right to join a union, including migrant workers. Mexico's blacklisting and coercion violated Canadian laws and the rights of the workers involved."
The blacklisting charges had originally been brought to the board in 2011. Hearings and testimony commenced at the labour board in January 2012. The hearings were temporarily suspended after Mexico petitioned to the BC Supreme, on the grounds of sovereign immunity, to force the labour board to quash the evidence it had received – including leaked Mexico government documents, as well as testimony from former consular officials that corroborated the blacklisting activity. The BC Supreme Court ruled against Mexico's petition, and upheld the BCLRB's right to finally rule on the blacklisting evidence.
"Mexico reached across our borders to blacklist and break the human and labour rights of workers in our country," says Paul Meinema, the national president of UFCW Canada. "Mexican President Peña Nieto is well aware of what happened here, despite the denials of his bureaucrats and consular officials. The time for pretending is over. Now it is time to respect the laws of Canada."
López Obrador Announces Plans to Run for President in 2018
To no one’s surprise, Andrés Manuel López Obrador, head of the Movement for National Regeneration (MORENA), has announced that he will be a candidate for president of Mexico in 2018. López Obrador ran twice for president before, once in 2006 and again in 2012, claiming in both cases that the election had been stolen—an assessment with which many observers agree. On both of those occasions he was the candidate of the Party of the Democratic Revolution (PRD).
After losing the 2012 election, disappointed with the divisions and corruption within the PRD, he left to create a new organization, MORENA. It is now completing the requirements to be able to operate as a political party. MORENA has hundreds of chapters throughout Mexico and claims to have hundreds of thousands of members. López Obrador has declared that having won 16 million votes in the last election he will win 30 million in the coming election, despite the role played by the Mexican election authorities who, he says, serve the mafia that governs the country.
Mexican voters have tended to divide their votes between the Centrist PRD and the conservative National Action Party (PAN) and Institutional Revolutionary Party (PRI). The governments in power, the news media, the election authorities have generally tended since the beginning of the millennium to isolate the left, leading to victories by either the PAN which held the presidency from 2000 to 2012 or by the PRI. López Obrador will have to build an overwhelming majority to overcome the existing institutional and political obstacles to an election victory.
Remembering the Dead and Fighting for the Living
The month of April was a time to remember the various victims of repression. In San Sebastián Bachajón, Chilón, Chiapas, Tzeltal Mayan people remembered Juan Vázquez Guzmán, and Juan Carlos Gómez Silvano, two young men assassinated on April 24 and March 21, 2013. Both of them were activists in support of the Zapatista Army of National Liberation in their indigenous community and their region. Spokespersons called them victims “of capitalism.”
In Mexico City, Karla Michel Salas, president of the National Association of Democratic Attorneys (ANAD), speaking at a press conference remembered Bety Cariño and Jyri Jaakkola, the former a Mexican and the latter a Finn, both murdered on April 27, 2010 when they were shot traveling with a caravan to a Triqui community in Oaxaca. Michel Salas criticized the government for failure to arrest those who committed the crime, whose identity is know, because of the authorities’ fear of entering into the zone run by the Social Welfare Union of the Triqui Region (Ubisort), whose members assassinated the two activists.
In Xalapa, Veracruz, others protested the assassination of the journalist Regina Martínez Pérez who was murdered on April 28, 2012, a crime which remains unsolved. Family, friends, and fellow journalists accuse Governor Javier Duarte for having not only failed to resolve the crime, but for having become an obstacle to solving the murder and convicting the murders.
And Fighting for the Living
But it has also been a month to fight for the living. Three environmentalists who have been jailed and one who has been assaulted found support from the U.S. linguist and political activist Noam Chomsky and from the famous Latin American writer Eduardo Galeano and 90 other intellectuals who wrote to the governments of the states of Puebla and Morelos to demand that the three be released and that harassment of the other stop at once. The three who have been held in jail are Felipe Xonacayucan, Enedina Rosas Vélez, and Abraham Cordero Calderón. Avelino Velázquez Tapia has been threatened and faces an arrest warrant.
Mexican Congress Must End Military Impunity: Amnesty International
The following document is taken from the Amnesty International website, April 28, 2014.
The Mexican Congress must pass a reform of the Code of Military Justice that would see military personnel implicated in human rights violations against civilians who face investigation and trial in the civilian justice system, Amnesty International said today.
The proposed reform, approved last week by the Senate is due to be debated and voted on this week by the Chamber of Deputies, just before the current legislative session ends.
“The reform of the Code of Military Justice would be an historic move. The lack of independence and impartiality of the military justice system has ensured impunity until now, preventing justice for the victims of human rights violations committed by the Mexican military,” said Rupert Knox, Amnesty International’s researcher on Mexico.
Over the years, Armed Forces personnel suspected of involvement in ill-treatment and torture, unlawful killings, enforced disappearances and other human rights violations, have routinely escaped justice.
“The bill represents an important advance in the protection of human rights, and is the result of years of campaigning and litigation by human rights organizations representing victims,” said Rupert Knox.
“The civilian justice system is far from perfect but it offers better guarantees for the victims and their relatives to secure truth, justice and reparations in line with international human rights standards.”
The reform is part of Mexico’s measures to comply with judgments of the Inter American Court of Human Rights in the cases of Rosendo Radilla, Valentina Rosendo Cantú, Inés Fernández Ortega, Teodoro Montiel, and Rodolfo Cabrera, who all suffered a range of grave human rights violations at the hands of military personnel in recent decades.
Nevertheless, Amnesty International believes that the reform falls short of full compliance with these judgments, as human rights violations committed against military personnel by other members of the military are not covered by the reform and will remain within the jurisdiction of the military courts.
There is also concern that the reform leaves the door open to military prosecutors and police conducting investigations of ordinary crimes, increasing their role in the criminal justice system.
“In subsequent reforms, we urge the Mexican government and legislature to accept that military victims also deserve equal protection of the law and address these issues,” said Rupert Knox.
FAT Leaders Contribute to Labor Notes Conference
Lenin González Tellez, a young leader of the Frente Autóntico del Trabajo (FAT), who had been elected to a top leadership position a month earlier and Benedicto Martínez Orozco, General Secretary of STIMAHCS/FAT and a vice-president of Mexico’s National Union of Workers joined more than 2000 delegates and some ninety leaders and activists from around the world at the recent Labor Notes Conference in Chicago.
The international participants joined numerous panels where they shared their experiences on a wide range of topics. Martínez reflected: “To come to Chicago is to remember the great struggles of the workers’ movement and to learn at Labor Notes about current struggles being waged by teachers and young people fighting deportations. It gives us hope that they have not been able to extinguish the spark that was lit by the martyrs of Chicago in 1886.”
Miners’ Union Leader Faces Arrest Warrant
Napoleón Gómez Urrutia, head of the Miners and Metal workers Union, still wanted in Mexico on charges of allegedly bilking union members of US$55 million, will not be able to return to his homeland after a court in the Federal District rejected his appeal which asked for an injunction against the warrant for his arrest on those charges. Investigations sponsored by the international labor movement found that the charges had been trumped up by the government in an attempt to discredit Gómez Urrutia and to weaken the Miners’ Union.
Telephone Workers Postpone Strike
The Mexican Telephone Workers Union (STRM) which had given notice with the federal government that it would strike TELMEX on April 25 extended its strike deadline until April 30 while still continuing to negotiate with employers, according to Francisco Hernández Juárez, general secretary. The union has been asking for a seven percent increase in wages and three percent in benefits, while the company is offering 3.5 percent increase in wages and 1.5 percent in benefits.
Labor Secretaries Consult on Migrant Worker Complaints Filed under NAALC
According to a press release issued by CDM, Thomas Perez, U.S. Secretary of Labor, and Alfonso Navarrete Prida, Secretary of Labor and Social Welfare for Mexico, engaged in ministerial consultations and signed a joint declaration pursuant to the North American Agreement on Labor Cooperation (NAALC), the labor side accord to the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA).
The declaration responds to a petition filed by CDM in 2011 on behalf of migrant workers in the fairs and carnivals, and also addresses petitions filed in 2003 and 2005 by Farmworker Justice, Northwest Workers' Justice Project and other organizations. The signing represents the first such ministerial declaration signed between the U.S. and Mexico in twelve years. http://www.cdmigrante.org/big-news-us-and-mexican-labor-secretaries-sign-declaration-in-response-to-petitions-filed-by-cdm-and-allies/
ProDESC Director Nominated for Human Rights Award
According to La Jornada, Alejandra Ancheita, the Director of Proyecto de Derechos Económicos, Sociales y Culturales (ProDESC), was nominated for the Premio Martin Ennals 2014, considered the Nobel in the area of human rights.